Sequester of Fools
By PAUL KRUGMAN
Published: February 21, 2013
They’re baaack! Just about two years ago, Erskine Bowles and Alan
Simpson, the co-chairmen of the late unlamented debt commission, warned
us to expect a terrible fiscal crisis within, um, two years
unless we adopted their plan. The crisis hasn’t materialized, but
they’re nonetheless back with a new version. And, in case you’re
interested, after last year’s election — in which American voters made
it clear that they want to preserve the social safety net while raising
taxes on the rich — the famous fomenters of fiscal fear have moved to
the right, calling for even less revenue and even more spending cuts.
But you aren’t interested, are you? Almost nobody is. Messrs. Bowles and
Simpson had their moment — the annus horribilis of 2011, when
Washington was in thrall to deficit scolds insisting that, in the face
of record-high long-term unemployment and record-low borrowing costs, we
forget about jobs and concentrate exclusively on a “grand bargain” that
would supposedly (not actually) settle budget disputes for ever after.
That moment has now passed; even Mr. Bowles concedes
that the search for a grand bargain is on “life support.” Let’s convene
a death panel! But the legacy of that year of living foolishly lives
on, in the form of the “sequester,” one of the worst policy ideas in our
nation’s history.
Here’s how it happened: Republicans engaged in unprecedented
hostage-taking, threatening to push America into default by refusing to
raise the debt ceiling unless President Obama agreed to a grand bargain
on their terms. Mr. Obama, alas, didn’t stand firm; instead, he tried to
buy time. And, somehow, both sides decided that the way to buy time was
to create a fiscal doomsday machine that would inflict gratuitous
damage on the nation through spending cuts unless a grand bargain was
reached. Sure enough, there is no bargain, and the doomsday machine will
go off at the end of next week.
There’s a silly debate under way about who bears responsibility for the
sequester, which almost everyone now agrees was a really bad idea. The
truth is that Republicans and Democrats alike signed on to this idea.
But that’s water under the bridge. The question we should be asking is
who has a better plan for dealing with the aftermath of that shared
mistake.
The right policy would be to forget about the whole thing. America
doesn’t face a deficit crisis, nor will it face such a crisis anytime
soon. Meanwhile, we have a weak economy that is recovering far too
slowly from the recession that began in 2007. And, as Janet Yellen, the
vice chairwoman of the Federal Reserve, recently emphasized,
one main reason for the sluggish recovery is that government spending
has been far weaker in this business cycle than in the past. We should
be spending more, not less, until we’re close to full employment; the
sequester is exactly what the doctor didn’t order.
Unfortunately, neither party is proposing
that we just call the whole thing off. But the proposal from Senate
Democrats at least moves in the right direction, replacing the most
destructive spending cuts — those that fall on the most vulnerable
members of our society — with tax increases on the wealthy, and delaying
austerity in a way that would protect the economy.
House Republicans, on the other hand, want to take everything that’s bad
about the sequester and make it worse: canceling cuts in the defense
budget, which actually does contain a lot of waste and fraud, and
replacing them with severe cuts in aid to America’s neediest. This would
hit the nation with a double whammy, reducing growth while increasing
injustice.
As always, many pundits want to portray the deadlock over the sequester
as a situation in which both sides are at fault, and in which both
should give ground. But there’s really no symmetry here. A
middle-of-the-road solution would presumably involve a mix of spending
cuts and tax increases; well, that’s what Democrats are proposing, while
Republicans are adamant that it should be cuts only. And given that the
proposed Republican cuts would be even worse than those set to happen
under the sequester, it’s hard to see why Democrats should negotiate at
all, as opposed to just letting the sequester happen.
So here we go. The good news is that compared with our last two
self-inflicted crises, the sequester is relatively small potatoes. A
failure to raise the debt ceiling would have threatened chaos in world
financial markets; failure to reach a deal on the so-called fiscal cliff
would have led to so much sudden austerity that we might well have
plunged back into recession. The sequester, by contrast, will probably cost “only” around 700,000 jobs.
But the looming mess remains a monument to the power of truly bad ideas —
ideas that the entire Washington establishment was somehow convinced
represented deep wisdom.
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